Bowman succeeds in conveying the frustration of those working in the three clinics in Wichita at the time of the siege, as well as the determination of the staff to keep those clinics open. What is most telling is that the patients would not buckle under to the antis’ bullying. Patients worked with clinic staff and support volunteers to gain access to the clinics, particularly Dr. George Tiller’s clinic, in order to keep appointments and get the services they wanted. This, despite the meddling of the Wichita mayor, Bob Knight, and city council members, notably Frank Ojile, who welcomed the antis to town and to their potential disruption of clinic business. Bowman recounts the efforts not only of local politicians, but also of those on the national level, to aid and abet the antis in their disruptive tactics in the city. Bowman points out more than once that she had to keep reminding herself of what woman went through to get abortions before they were legalized by Roe v. Wade in 1973.

Several details mark the events of those weeks of siege. The Wichita police tried to keep order, but after one day of clearing away protestors from the gates of Women’s Health Care Service so that patients could come in, officers were given orders by city officials to go easy on protestors. When police tried to control the crowd from horseback, they discovered that the “peaceful” antis were tormenting the horses by sticking knives into them. U. S. marshals were on hand, but under orders from the George W. Bush White House, were unable to do much but stand by. Even Judge Patrick Kelly, generally considered a pro-choice hero at the time, was inconsistent in applying his court orders against the protestors.

Many of the anti-choice protestors came from out of state. As the protests continued, many pro-choice activists, also from out of state, came to town to get in on the act. As often happens, these caused conflicts over strategy among pro-choice activists, as Bowman points out.

While the legal issues relating to this siege are complicated, Bowman’s explanation of these legalities is clear and focused. It is helpful that she has updated the political fallout from the summer of 1991 to current times. Addendum 3, “A Paradigm Shift,” outlines a course of action based on people’s poll responses that supposedly would bring the pro-choice position back to the centrist position it once was. While Bowman puts forward some common sense proposals, she seems to overlook the fact that the people in power now are not interested in applying common sense to the reproductive rights debate; they are interested only in forcing their views on everybody else. For example, when Sen. Sam Brownback says he is running for president in 2008 in order to restore a sense of “decency” to the country, we all know he’s talking about making abortion illegal. The off-the-wall protestors of 1991 are now the people making policies in the state of Kansas and in the country. Until these people lose power, common sense approaches are nothing more than rhetoric.

On the whole, though, this memoir makes for interesting and informative reading, both for those of us who were there and for those who need a reminder of how a rabid minority supported by anti-choice politicians can bring a city to its knees.

Review by Dangerous Diane